How Zelensky turned one of his biggest victories into one of his biggest blunders

What was widely praised just months ago as one of President Volodymyr Zelensky's strongest personnel decisions may now be remembered as one of his most significant missteps.

On the morning of July 16, thousands of Ukrainians gathered in central Kyiv after Zelensky opted not to reappoint Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov as part of a government reshuffle, calling on the president to reverse his decision.

"The Russians' delight only confirms that this decision is a shot in the foot," says 28-year-old Sofia as more and more people gather outside Ivan Franko Theater facing the President's Office building.

She says that, as a civilian, she pays attention to what soldiers think. And soldiers have been vocal in their dissatisfaction with Fedorov's dismissal, which comes as Ukraine appears to be turning the tide of the war with the minister's help.

"This will erode trust in the government and deepen the military's loss of faith."

People held hastily assembled placards, their slogans painted by hand, ranging from pointed criticism to outright ridicule of the president. Among them were signs quoting the Ukrainian writer and musician Serhii Zhadan: "Why the f*ck do I need a system that works against me?"

The crowd repeatedly broke into chants — "Fedorov, Fedorov" — demanding that he remain defense minister, a post he has held for just six months.

Fedorov became Zelensky's sixth defense minister and the second appointed within a year. A popular tech prodigy, he spent nearly seven years building Ukraine's Digital Transformation Ministry and was the only senior official to survive all of Zelensky's cabinet reshuffles.

Many believed he would bring that same modern, innovation-driven approach to the Defense Ministry, an institution long associated with bureaucracy and corruption scandals. Those who gathered in the streets believe he had already begun to do exactly that.

"Today, the future of corruption in the Defense Ministry is being decided. Above all, it's a matter of our country's survival," 50-year-old Ruslana Marko says, struggling to hold back tears. "If I don't come out to protest now, there won't be any point later."

Beyond Fedorov's dismissal, many protesters question the logic behind Zelensky's personnel decisions, which caught everyone — including politicians — by surprise.

"Dismissing ministers just a year after appointing them, without any explanation or public accounting of their work, is unacceptable," says 24-year-old Daria Chebanenko. "I'm surprised that no lessons have been learned from last year's protests."

Last July, Zelensky signed into force a law that effectively stripped anti-corruption institutions of their independence. Following week-long street protests outside Ivan Franko Theater, a place visible from the president's window, the decision was overturned.

Anti-corruption agencies soon made public a major corruption scheme in which those close to the president were implicated.

Many in the crowd argue that if Zelensky wants to replace someone, it should be Commander-in-Chief Oleksandr Syrskyi. Syrskyi has long drawn criticism from some soldiers and civilians, who accuse him of relying on a Soviet-style command culture.

Veteran Masi Nayyem, co-founder of the legal aid center Pryncyp, said he joined the protests since his biggest concern is whether the president will respond to what is happening to soldiers away from the front line. He argued that Zelensky has failed to respond properly to several recent high-profile incidents involving service members.

Nayyem referred to two major scandals that have taken place in the background, both connected to Syrskyi's leadership.

In one, Ukrainian news outlet Babel shed light on allegations of abuse within the 425th Separate Assault Regiment, better known as Skelia, where at least 26 noncombat deaths among recruits were recorded.

Expanded as part of an effort by Syrskyi to build specialized assault units, the regiment receives a large share of newly mobilized recruits and is regularly assigned high-risk assault operations.

In the other, according to the Ukrainian media outlet Hromadske, citing law enforcement sources, a group linked to the 155th Brigade broke into the home of two civilians in the village of Kalynivka, Kyiv Oblast, on the night of June 27-28, abducted them, took them to neighboring Poltava Oblast, and later killed them.

"If the president doesn't respond to this, it means he supports it. And if he supports it, then I don't support this president," Nayyem told the Kyiv Independent. "He will lose his legitimacy."

Nayyem argued that Fedorov should have an opportunity to finish reforms he began, including those related to mobilization, saying the authorities "have avoided solving this problem for years."

"Fedorov should remain minister," he continued. "I want (Russian) oil refineries to keep burning the way they are now under this minister."

Those who spoke to the Kyiv Independent said they believe the protests can still persuade Zelensky to reverse course.

They point to last July, when the first mass protests since the start of Russia's full-scale invasion forced Zelensky to U-turn.

Now, the president described Ukrainians' decision to protest as "the right" thing to do, saying he "hears and responds to what society is saying.

"I'm confident that (Fedorov) will remain on my team, and we'll discuss a little later what that will look like," Zelensky said.

Veteran Dmytro Koziatynskyi was also standing near the Ivan Franko Theater. He was among those who called people to launch a protest last July. He was among those who did so again this July.

"We need a modern military built around drones and advanced technology, and now they're trying to take that away from us," Koziatynskyi told the Kyiv Independent.

"I'm proud of Ukrainians who, in such difficult times, take to the streets to defend our right to reforms."

"I hope we achieve what we're fighting for."