Editor's Note: Following a number of attacks against peaceful protestors in Serbia, the Kyiv Independent agreed to not publish the last names of people who gave comments for this story.
BELGRADE, Serbia — Thousands of protestors walked 300 kilometers on March 1 from Belgrade to the southern city of Nis to rally support for an anti-corruption protest that took aim at the ruling party.
Serbia's Russia-friendly President Aleksandar Vucic has often used a Kremlin playbook to discredit the protests that occasionally rise in a country balancing between Russia and the West.
Such a balancing act has been increasingly difficult to maintain.
Nis, the country's third largest city home to 250,000, has long been President Vucic's core voting stronghold along other cities and towns further away from the capital. Yet, residents who greeted the arriving protesters said they were tired of their ruling party and wanted to listen to what young people have to say.
The Serbian protests began in November after a train station roof in the town of Novi Sad collapsed, killing 15 people. This roof had been hastily reconstructed in 2024 with Chinese and state funds and a procurement procedure widely viewed as corrupt. Students took to the streets, demanding accountability and justice for the victims.
They used a bloody hand symbol to highlight how corruption in Serbia cost lives. Vucic had been actively blaming the upheaval on the West, saying that foreign forces have been attempting to spark a "Ukrainian-style revolution in Serbia."
The protestors, however, aren't pro-Ukrainian or anti-Russian, and are united primarily by their opposition to the current government rather than broader ideological takes.
"We really feel like we can change something this time."
Protests in Serbia have gone on for over 100 days in 60 different settlements. Students, farmers and businesses continue to strike in support. Universities, some of which are now closed, are used as base-camps for democratic decision-making among the students.
Alexander, a student who took part in daily marches, said the protesters remain hopeful. "We really feel like we can change something this time," he said.
The movement follows a pattern. Students announce a mass rally in a Serbian city, then walk to that location for days. Along the way they talk to locals to gather support for the movement.
A taxi driver in Nis on March 1 said his views had changed since seeing the protestors in the flesh, rather than on state TV where they are routinely denigrated.
"In the Balkans, children are always taught to listen to their elders. But now we are listening to them. They are teaching us to stand up for our rights," he said.
Kollen Post
Serbia's changing image
The pro-democracy movement is changing Serbia's image. Protesters seek respect for the rule of law, a free press and, fair elections, and an end to widespread corruption.
So far, the protests have prompted Vucic to publicly oust Prime Minister Milos Vucevic and Transport Minister Darko Glisic, both of whom remain in their place as they await a vote in parliament.
Arrests of several company heads and policemen in what Vucic has called a "fierce fight against corruption" had also taken place.
Protestors, however, show a deep skepticism towards Vucic's proposed anti-corruption measures which are widely seen to be a last ditch attempt to cling to power.
Students interviewed by the Kyiv Independent expressed deep frustration with the ruling Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), blaming it for the country's lack of media freedom, rigged elections, and neglect of public services and civil liberties.
Andjela, 22, a student protestor, said, "The whole ruling party should resign. They've shown they are unfit to run the country. We haven't had free elections in my lifetime. It's unsafe here, incomes are low, prices are high, and criminals go unpunished, including the thugs who beat up students."
The latest election, in 2023, was seen as being widely rigged, with 50,000 voters from the Republika Srpska, a ethnic Serbian enclave of Bosnia, were bussed to Belgrade to sway the vote.
Mass protests followed, but they led to no change.
A year later, a new protest movement was built on years of unresolved discontent.
In the aftermath of the Kosovo War of 1999, a mass student-led movement called OTPOR brought down the country's autocrat, Slobodan Milosevic.
Srecko Mihailović, a veteran protester of the OTPOR movement, said that he's been on marches for 30 years and hopes he won't be doing it to the grave. "We've had the same president for 10 years, this is not normal," he said.
"But we need to show that Serbia isn't Vucic."
Kollen Post
Autocrats playbook
Vucic's response to the protests has been chaotic.
The president claimed, without evidence, that outside forces are behind the protests and has accused the West of trying to incite a revolution. At the same time, Vucic had told EU leaders that "Putinists" are trying to stir up trouble to deepen the country's ties with Russia.
On Jan. 20, Serbian police detained 14 foreign nationals at an NGO summit in Belgrade.
Such tactics have been used by the ruling party since 2012. State tabloids bully critics of the government, illegally publish their personal data online, and incite violence against those who oppose the government.
Authorities have also been linked to hooligan groups that stir up trouble during protests to justify police action. A similar tactic was used during the 2013-14 EuroMaidan Revolution in Ukraine, when the pro-Kremlin government employed thugs to fight with protesters, coining the term Titushky.
Andjela, who took part in protests, noted that this year's protesters are alert for provocateurs.
A protester was beaten up, while other students were rammed with cars and hospitalized, she said.
"We are careful in case it escalates and more of our students end up in the hospital," Andjela added.
A delicate balance
At present, there doesn't seem to be a solution to the political crisis.
Student protesters know their government's playbook well, so they tread carefully. They appeal to patriotism and wave only Serbian flags to avoid appearing influenced by outsiders.
So far, the careful approach has united support across societal sectors, including the rural population, who were once Vucic's core base. Farmers brought tractors to protect students, blocking key Belgrade bridges.
"This time we don't fear the government. They should fear us."
The rallies have also gained international support from students in the U.S., Austria, Croatia, and vocal celebrity support from tennis superstar Novak Djokovic and Madonna.
The countrywide solidarity has reduced citizens' fears of government-sponsored attacks, threats to family members, and job losses, which previously weakened protests in 2012, 2020, and 2023.
Boris, an engineering student taking part in protests, said, "This time we don't fear the government. They should fear us."
The question remains what would follow were the government to call a snap election to ease the crisis.
Boris said that he would like to see an interim government of "democracy experts and professionals" in place who could create the conditions for fair, free elections.
At present, students do not have a plan to back a political candidate. They have distanced themselves from opposition parties as they view them as part of the system they are up against.
Up until now, the official opposition had been fragmented and cautious.
Opposition party members "have nothing to do with the organization" and support the protests "as civilians only," said lawmaker Borko Stefanovic, deputy president of the Party of Freedom and Justice. "The regime could misuse this, saying the opposition is behind the protests. But the students lead."
On March 4, some unconventional action was taken in parliament. Lawmaker Radomir Lazovic of the Green-Left front voiced support for the protestors and launched fireworks in the Serbian parliament, which hospitalized three people.
A brawl ensued between opposition and ruling party members.
"A clear message was sent that we do not accept the institutional violence of the Serbian Progressive Party, which has been carried out for years. The only agenda item at the Serbian parliament sitting can be the fulfillment of students' demands," Lazovic said.
Yet, a new election might not be the solution the protestors are hoping for.
"No elections would work under current conditions and without a free press. Vucic would steal and rig another election," Stefanovic said.
Oleg Sukhov
Euroscepticism
The countrywide support for change in Serbia, however, doesn't mean those on the street agree on policy and their country's alignment.
Though EU leaders expressed admiration and support, the absence of EU flags in the crowd is deliberate. Protestors see their cause as a local concern they must deal with within-country.
An IPSOS poll in December 2024 revealed that only 46% of Serbs would support EU membership in a referendum.
Many protesters feel the EU and U.S. leaders have emboldened Vucic following years of hostilities in the region. Many also dislike the West for their handling of the Yugoslav Wars in the 1990s.
The EU has worked with Vucic on ammunition exports, with $800 million in Serbian ammunition ending up in Ukraine through Western intermediaries. In July 2024, the Serbian government granted the EU access to its large lithium reserves. This also sparked thousands of Serbs to come out in protest, citing environmental concerns.
Vucic has also gained favor with U.S. President Donald Trump by allowing his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, to build a hotel in central Belgrade on top of a war memorial.
Residents of Belgrade viewed the proposal with hostility.
Emotional and economic ties to Russia
Anti-Western sentiments have long united Serbia with Russia, even though the Serbian population continues to migrate west for education and work. This connection dates back to the 19th century when the Russian Empire helped secure Serbia's independence from the Ottoman Empire. It was also bolstered by a common religion and church ties.
Today, the bond is fuelled by anger over NATO's 1999 bombing of Belgrade to end President Milosevic's war against Kosovo. Serbia, backed by Russia, still claims Kosovo, which declared independence in 2008.
Serbia maintains a broad conservative, Orthodox streak with strong anti-LGBTQ+ views. Many Serbs see Western nations as too "liberal." In contrast, many who came of age during the 1990s view Russian President Vladimir Putin as "a strong leader" pushing back against the West.
A 2023 poll by the Henry Jackson Society showed that over 61% of Serbs reported no change in their positive views on Russia since the start of the all-out war in Ukraine, and 21.7% said their support for Russia has increased.
Pro-Russian displays are common in Belgrade.
Z t-shirts and Putin mugs are sold in central markets. Serbian and Russian flags and "Zajedno (together)" signs are widespread. Since 2022, mercenaries from far-right groups have been traveling to Russia to fight against Ukraine.
Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Serbia has welcomed up to 300,000 Russians fleeing the war.
When these Russians share anti-Putin views, it can prompt strong reactions from the locals. Nino, who owns a cigar lounge in Belgrade, said, "God has given us the gift of these liberal Russians. We'll show them the true path and send them back home, more Russian than ever!"
But attitudes in the capital, Belgrade, have shifted as an influx of wealthy Russian IT-workers has slowly undermined the imagined "Slavic Orthodox brotherhood." Many Belgraders now resent recent Russian immigrants for not integrating, driving up housing prices and gentrifying the city with expensive shops and restaurants packed by foreigners.
Students protesting in the streets say neither the EU nor Russia will do anything to help them. While many still express emotional ties to Russian culture, they say they do not wish to live in a Putin-style political system.
Kateryna Hodunova
